…..between the rhetoric of the Scottish Govt about what they will do in the future… and the reality of what they are doing now. Read Gerry Hassan’s recent article and weep for the future…
Had to share this moving, beautifully written article from this week’s Guardian Weekly. Keep your tissues handy!!
- Immortal Memory Options:
Robert Burns, Black Lives and the Politics of Memory:
Inside the Mind of Burns:
2 Song /Poem Compilation for you to choose from:
3. Current Burns Research (if you want to do your own Immortal Memory):
4. Burns Supper at Home:
5. Some Burns Songs if you don’t want to sing your own:
6. Other Burns Resources:
Dear Stephen Kerr MP
I’m really worried that a future Prime Minister could suspend Parliament to push through a no-deal Brexit. Surely it is the sovereignty of Parliament that was most at stake in the debates around EU membership? It has been a firm principle of our parliamentary democracy that the people elect representatives to take the final decisions on their behalf. You are my representative, and even if you do not always vote as I would wish, it is important to me that you are there on a daily basis, listening to the arguments, taking a considered view and representing me and the other voters of Stirling, current and future, when the big decisions are made. I would regard any suspension of parliament as the antithesis of our democratic traditions, as a worrying destabilising assault on the traditions of representative democracy.
I have been informed that Anderson’s amendment to the Northern Ireland Bill , amendment 3, is designed to make it harder for a future Prime Minister to prorogue Parliament ahead of the 31st October and thus to arrogate to himself unaccountable executive powers. I urge you to resist any such attempt to prorogue Parliament, either through voting for this amendment, or in such other ways as are possible.
I am interested to know your views on these matters in the context not just of Brexit, but also of the longer term constitutional implications that might follow.
A disaster for the UK, a disaster for Labour
Here in Scotland, the effect of Brexit has been to push the SNP into an unassailable lead and to destroy support for Labour across the country. I will not be the only long standing Labour member (since the 1970s) who voted Green in the European elections in despair at the incompetence and apparent irrelevance of some of our policy positions. But worse than the policy positions by far (they are mainly quite reasonable – it is their limited scope that is often the problem) is the leadership. This is/has been our biggest problem. At UK level, we have a leader who cannot command support across the UK at a time when we have the most appalling Tory party mess-up in living memory led by the worst-ever Prime MInister – that’s how bad his leadership is. Mr Corbyn’s credentials as a man of the left helped him to be an effective ‘conscience of the party’ but it is now clear he lacks many of the skills required of a party leader. How many elections has Mr Corbyn now lost!!! If he has any regard for the party he serves, he should step aside. At Scottish level, Richard Leonard comes over as a nice man, whom you might trust as a member of your team but not someone who can lead national renewal and certainly not someone capable of denting the national force that is Nicola Sturgeon. The crisis in the Labour Party is not just a crisis of Brexit. It is a crisis of leadership. Neither Mr Corbyn nor Mr Leonard are capable of doing the job required – presenting an exciting vision of a new politics capable of meeting the challenges of the 21st century, not those of the 1980s. Red and green must join if we are to bring the younger generation with us towards a vision of a more co-operative, collaborative, sustainable future.
Outraged by the reactions to a recent story in the Herald about possible developments in legal aid provision for complex immigration cases (https://bit.ly/2Jqn7SC ), I found myself spending more time than I should have responding to some of those comments.
I am very depressed on reading the comments on this story from previous commentators. The UK has prided itself on being a place of hope for refugees and persecuted peoples from around the world, and has benefited greatly from the skills and insights they bring to our society. The legal process aims to separate those entitled to refuge from those not entitled. It is an adversarial process and the Home Office creates a ‘hostile environment’ to test their claims fully. It is the Home Office and its processes which is most often responsible for the lengthy delays that can occur in some cases – no-one seeking permission to remain in the UK wants their case to take years to sort out. One of the principles of a fair legal system is that everyone should be able to benefit, irrespective of their financial situation. Legal Aid is therefore a necessary part of a flourishing democracy. Lawyers working for legal aid fees are making much less money than most in their profession and could make much more money working for those who could afford to pay them private client fees … part of their motivation is service to those least able to represent themselves in the legal system against powerful well represented opponents, in this case HM government’s ‘hostile environment’. It is an important, if apparently unpopular, part of our democratic system and needs to be defended if we claim to be a democracy at all. The appeals process is part of the necessary ‘checks and balances’ of a fair legal system and therefore should, where appropriate (and their are internal tests for this within the system) be properly funded so that it is accessible to all.
…. and in response to a reply I received ….
I agree that there should be tests and appropriate controls. It is because of these, and our sea border, that the UK accepts far fewer refugees and asylum seekers than many other rich developed countries as, for example, this recent UNHCR report (click on the link) makes clear … . other reports available online. It is no coincidence that the highest numbers of migrants seeking refuge in Europe are from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran – countries where there has been great dislocation, a breakdown in civil order and/or persecution of minorities – and that the country hosting the largest number is Turkey (their closest point of arrival in Eurasia), or that Germany, France and Italy on mainland Europe have the largest numbers of those seeking asylum. The UK does some of this work, but not by any means an unreasonable amount, given that it is a very attractive destination to many who have learned English. This is a price the UK pays for the worldwide use of English, a price generally considered worth paying for the many uncosted, and generally unacknowledged, benefits it brings to the UK, both economically and culturally.
Of course there are chancers, which the ‘hostile environment’ is designed to discourage and detect. There are also unscrupulous ‘travel agents’ who take money on false promises – not all those arriving illegally knew that was what was going to happen, having signed up for a false prospectus.
It is, in any event, legal and in accordance with the UK’s international legal commitments to human rights and freedoms (commitments which many of the UK’s citizens are rightly proud of), for ‘illegal immigrants’ to seek asylum in the UK and have their cases tested before they can be returned to the situation they have come from and which they have claimed is a perilous one. Further information about the legal background to the situation can be readily found here, here and here .
My letter to my local and list MSPs, sent today:
Dear Bruce Crawford, Dean Lockhart, Murdo Fraser, Mark Ruskell, Claire Baker, Alexander Stewart, Liz Smith and Alex Rowley,
I am one of your constituents and since the 1970s, a lifelong member of Friends of The Earth. Gradually, over these years, I have seen the environmental concerns that motivated those early ‘green’ campaigns become increasingly mainstream as both the science, and the mood of the country, increasingly support a stronger focus on environmental sustainability. This is not a party political matter.
With this in mind, I urge you to support the Green motion calling for a Green New Deal for Scotland. The vote will take place at 6pm tomorrow (the 24th). Scotland, with our abundant natural resources and a fine education system which develops the talents of our people, can lead the world in the development and use of environmentally sustainable ways of living. Only with such a vision, and a determination across all political parties to realise it, will we ensure that we can look our grandchildren square on and tell them
* that we have protected and sustained, rather than squandered, their environmental inheritance
* that we have tended and cared for the earth in which they will live
* that we were prepared to invest in their future, not just in our own present.
There is no more important issue before you in the Scottish parliament. I urge you to vote for the Green motion, and to commit yourself and the Scottish parliament to putting the highest priority on the development of a sustainable Scottish economy.
As one of your constituents, I understand that the tight timescale between this e.letter and the vote and so do not expect a reply before the vote. However I do look forward to hearing from you on the issues raised in this letter and your reasons for supporting, or rejecting, the Green motion.
Here is the letter from Patrick Harvie that stimulated my letter:
The climate emergency demands an urgent, radical and positive response. That’s why tomorrow I will lead a debate in the Scottish Parliament calling on the Scottish Government to develop plans for A Green New Deal for Scotland.
A Green New Deal would require the mobilisation of all the powers available to the Scottish Government behind the goals of creating quality jobs in the green economy, eradicating inequality, and delivering massive cuts in greenhouse gas pollution. This is an enormous opportunity for Scotland. It’s a chance to show that we can lead the way. A chance to fight the hateful agenda of austerity and fossil-fuelled growth with hope.
This is an agenda that could transform the public debate over the climate crisis, because it places people at its heart. Our own research has shown that 200,000 green jobs could be created across Scotland by 2030 – we just have to be bold and take the lead. By redistributing wealth and directing investment at training, education, employee-owned businesses and co-operatives we can also help tackle the scourge of inequality. Scotland is becoming more and more unequal: the 10% of wealthiest households hold 50% of total wealth and the 40 % least wealthy own little over 3%. This inequality takes away opportunity and undermines society, and addressing it hand-in-hand with the climate crisis is critical and urgent.
If you agree, please tweet and/or email your MSP asking them to support the Green motion calling for a Green New Deal for Scotland. The vote will take place at 6pm tomorrow (the 24th), so act now!
You can find out who your MSPs are and get their contact details here
This will be a key priority for the Scottish Greens over the coming months, so expect to hear more about it and if you have comments or ideas you can let us know by replying to this email.
Thanks as ever for your support.
I’m delighted to have won the Exeter Story Prize with my story ‘Time to Come Home’ (a link to the story can be found here). It started out as a simple ‘warm up’ writing exercise where we were asked to write continuously for 10 minutes on a physical/sense-based memory and I wrote a paragraph or two about journeying up to lectures at Edinburgh Uni on the 27 bus smoking Old Holborn roll-ups. Later on I picked this up and wove a story around the memory (entirely fictional in case you’re wondering), a story I wanted to write about the ‘two Edinburghs’. Further encouragement that I should take my writing more seriously after my success a couple of years back in the Costa?
Getting the news last week, just before I was offered a last minute place on a Cove Park writing ‘masterclass’, encouraged me to take up the place. Knowledgeable tutors and a supportive group of fellow writers made for a good learning environment and I’m motivated to get writing again.
Coming back into this blog after a long absence (only 3 or 4 posts in the past couple of years), I realise how much Twitter (@DannySMurphy) and whatsapp (mainly family groups) have replaced this blog as a place for online reports and musings.
It’s a beautiful morning here in Stirling, the River Forth heavy with the weekend’s rain.
Time to get writing.
I had no idea that the extraordinary photos of Oscar Marzaroli are now available for all on the web at http://www.oscarmarzaroli.com/home.html, courtesy of Anne Marzaroli, until a chance search on Google gave me the link.
This must surely be one of the most extraordinary collections of photos of 20th century Scotland, and Glasgow in particular.
Make a cup of tea or coffee, sit back and prepare to spend an hour or two looking back, in the company of a great photographer, at a visual portrait of a bygone black and white Scotland, modulated in ‘Shades of Grey’, the title of one of the iconic collections of his photos (and an infinitely preferable read to any other more recently published book which stole that title).
I usually think of the Christmas holiday as offering at least two or three days of uninterrupted reading pleasure, a bit of time and space to attack the mounds of reading material accumulated during socially busy December – journal, magazine and newspaper articles, podcasts unlistened to, unread books buried under a new pile of well-chosen Christmas presents, this year including works by authors new to me: Ta-Nehisi Coates, Peter Wohlleben, Philippe Sands and Colson Whitehead. Why then, would I choose to bodyswerve these wonderful reads and spend the small amount of reading time I actually achieved over the holiday period on a library book, and another I picked up in Waterstone’s? I don’t know the answer, but I’m glad, all the same, that I did manage to read ‘Poverty Safari’ and ‘Days Without End’– very different books, very different themes: one an insightful polemic about the experience of and damage caused by social inequality and a powerful memoir full of honest self-reflection and responsibility, the other a beautifully crafted work of art with no such obvious impact, other than admiration for the artist and the quality of his work.
Darren McGarvey (also known as Loki @lokiscottishrap ) has lived a lot of life in his 33 years and he brings much of that experience, as well as considerable passion and compassion into his autobiographical take on his own life to date and the story his life tells of the way we live now and what we should do about it – ‘Poverty Safari’, a phrase he coined when commenting disparagingly on an artistic middle class ‘visiting’ experience of urban Glasgow (he later apologises for his presumptuous dismissal of the artist involved). His personal story, honestly told, is a powerful witness testimony of the challenges he experienced growing up in Pollok, the difficulties of family life with an alcoholic mother, his perceptions of where he fitted in and where he didn’t, leading on to a growing awareness of systemic social failures and inequalities and a campaigning determination to attack these at system level. Finally, he changes his perceptions of what has happened to him, what he has done, and discovers a more complex, nuanced understanding of who he is and what he stands for.
Rather than summarise or critique, the best thing I can do is quote some of his own powerful words, page after page of which I couldn’t put down. It was like being in the room with someone whose story is so compelling, whose insights are so valuable, that you just want to hear more.
‘My mother lived with us until I was about ten. During that decade, she left a life-altering trail of carnage in her wake; each year her behaviour was more bizarre and unpredictable than the next. One sunny afternoon in Pollok, not long before she left. I arrived with a couple of friends in tow, to find many of the contents of our home laid out in the front garden, incinerated. I can’t recall what explanation I offered my friends, though I suspect none was required. They already had some insight into how we lived. When you live in a troubled home, life spills out onto the street. Eventually you become closed off to the dysfunction, perhaps to spare yourself feelings of shame or embarrassment. You adjust to the fact that people in the street know your business and are probably judging you. Privacy becomes another elusive luxury beyond the reach of people like you.
Dignity was for the fancy people.
Pretending you’re not poor is one thing. All you need to pull that off is a couple of credit cards, a catalogue and a deep delusional streak. It also helps your street credibility if you keep that big blue crate of European Union stew that you’ve received for free as a poverty perk well out of view if you have visitors round. But concealing family dysfunction is much trickier. For one, the dysfunction may be out of your control; a parent or sibling, for example. Second, the dysfunction may be imperceptible to you and therefore hard to hide…
By the time it becomes apparent that your life isn’t normal, it’s too late to keep up the pretence. Concerned neighbours hear your troubles through the walls. Teachers, doctors, social workers and mental health professionals are aware of your ongoing situation. But for every person showing concern or offering support, there’s another waiting to exploit the vulnerability….
Dysfunction at home, mainly around my mother, as well as the obvious fact we were poor, was something I had to account for when I was at school. On a few occasions I arrived there after dressing myself and became the butt of playground teasing. One morning, I remember my dad having to leave work to come to the school with a proper outfit for me. God knows what I was wearing. There were other occasions when I’d be sitting at the reception of nursery or school, well after the end of the school day, waiting for someone to come and pick me up.
I remember climbing onto a kitchen worktop to gain access to a cupboard so that I could make my breakfast; but, too young to know how to do it, pouring cold water into a bowl of oats and mating it before getting myself ready for school. At the time, this was no big deal. I was already adapting to the fact my mother was not fit to take care of me. The only problem was that while this all seemed perfectly normal to me, having nothing else to compare it to, it was obvious to other people, not least merciless kids, that something wasn’t right. …
Difficult as school could be, I always found it preferable to the unpredictability of life at home, where I would spend a lot of time walking on eggshells, ascertaining what sort of mood my mother was in.
On a few occasions, I’d run out to the back garden and throw her empty bottles over the spiky steel fence. If I recall correctly, this was pitched to me like a game. No doubt I knew exactly what it was, but played along to amuse her. Much like the time I spent in the amusements, having been promised a day in Treasure Island’, only to spend the afternoon amusing myself in a toy car, staring at the ‘insert credit’ screen, while she plunged the family silver manically into a slot machine. Days like that, or chucking bottles over the back fence for her, were about as close to quality time as we ever got…‘
He charts his journey through homelessness, political activism, alcohol abuse, public commentary through music, including work in the Violence Reduction Unit, and BBC broadcasting to the present day, where he has worked hard to tell his story and put it into a wider context, where there is a balance to be found between the responsibilities of the individual, the responsibilities of the important individuals in their lives and the responsibilities of wider society who collectively deal an individual the hand he or she has to play. But he concludes that the individual can play that hand very differently.
Here is an extract from the book’s concluding pages of his profound and politically relevant current thoughts on where he fits and what his/our responsibilities are.
‘What I began to realise, as I peeled back the layers of pretension and self-justification laid down over a period of ten years, was that my political principles were not quite the beacon of selfless integrity and virtue I had long imagined they were. Quite the opposite in fact….
Taking responsibility is a hard thing to do. Especially when you believe it’s someone else’s job to pick up the slack. All my life I was told that the system was to blame for the problems in my family’s life and that my family were to blame for the problems in mine. This belief that it was always someone else’s fault was reinforced by the poverty industry and politicians who stood to gain from my willingness to defer to them. I never got sober, at least for any length of time, until I admitted to myself that many of the predicaments in my adult life were of my own making … I toured mental health services for years, genuinely believing I was either severely depressed or insane, when really, I was an exhausted, malnourished alcoholic, oscillating wildly between the high of inebriation and the crushing low of withdrawal and financial ruin. All the while I was demanding immediate change; rubbing my hands, awaiting the imminent collapse of society. My self-righteousness totally blinded me to the fact that the very society I was praying would fall, for all of its glaring flaws, was providing for my ever mutating needs. I had a slew of professionals on call, as well as accommodation, benefits and other forms of support. I had access to libraries full of knowledge and information about how to overcome many of the issues I faced as well as the internet where I could broaden the scope of my research. There were hundreds of free support groups all around the city, full of people who had got sober and remained so. Yet somehow, I was blind to all of this. These things didn’t suit my narrative about society being bereft of integrity or compassion. Because I wasn’t ready to honestly examine my problems which were, in the end, as much about my own attitudes and behaviour as they were about poverty or child abuse, I stubbornly continued a path of delusional self-obliteration…
At some point, I started believing the lie that I was not responsible for my own thoughts, feelings and actions. That these were all by-products of a system that mistreated and excluded me. And that I could only change and overcome these difficulties when society intervened in my circumstances or was dismantled and rebuilt. Today, I realise that the best contribution I can make to society is to raise a healthy, happy and secure child. Today, I realise that the most practical way of transforming my community is to first transform myself and, having done so, find a way to express how I did that to as many people as possible.
Some will argue that this introspection is merely another form of structural oppression; an extension of neo-liberal economics that encourages individuals to avert their eyes from the injustice in the world and, instead, focus on self-improvement. Others will argue that it’s a cop-out because it doesn’t challenge power. To them I say this: you are no use to any family, community, cause or movement unless you are first able to manage, maintain and operate the machinery of your own life. These are the means of production that one must first seize before meaningful change can occur. This doesn’t mean resistance has to stop. Nor does it mean corruption and injustice shouldn’t be challenged, it simply a willingness to subject one’s own thinking and behaviour to a similar quality of scrutiny. That’s not a cop out; that’s radicalism in the 21st century.
I made every excuse, blamed every scapegoat and denied every truth. But as it happens, the great theme of my life was not poverty, as I had always imagined, but the false beliefs I unconsciously adopted to survive it; the myths I internalised to conceal the true nature of many of my problems. It hadn’t occurred to me that a root-and-branch analysis of poverty might involve asking some searching and difficult questions of myself too. For some reason, despite my apparent concern that this issue be scrutinised forensically, I conveniently exempted myself from the analysis while placing everything else under a microscope…
All my life a sense of powerlessness had followed me around… My answer to every instance in which I lacked power was to demand that someone else intervene on my behalf: junk food should be curtailed, advertising should be restricted and alcohol and drugs should be banned. I dreamed of society imploding, naively believing its demise would make life easier. Everything was immoral, unjust and tinged with corruption. Worse still, I believed those things so vehemently that it would emotionally disturb and offend me to hear someone argue to the contrary. Turns out that was a very foolish way to burn energy. But it’s often much easier to see the holes in another person’s story than it is to get honest about the yarns you’ve been spinning.’
McGarvey still wants to see society reformed, a fairer, more equal, better place for all children to grow up. He now argues that this cannot be brought about through a crude top-down process, but as part of a more complex vision, in which each individual has to be involved, take responsibilities and make this happen in their lives, not just in a political vision. This reminded me of Gandhi’s political philosophy which required the individual to confront those committed to injustice, unfairness and inequality not with violence but with truth and honesy and fairness.
This works at lots of levels. We can all find reasons to think that other people should sort stuff out for us, stuff we want to see sorted. And perhaps other people should do that. But that should never be an excuse for us not to do what we should be doing.
I was riveted by his book – well-written, highly personal and profound. It challenged my thinking, reminded me of some of the things I used to think but left behind, and as I write I’m still trying to work out what lessons I can take from it for my own life, to use it to challenge my complacencies and mental laziness.
* * *
Sebastian Barry’s novel, Days Without End, stands out among the many books/plays/films/Netflix series/news/magazines/podcasts clamouring to be recognised, to be read and understood, in our frenzied media-saturated lives. From the very first page, the reader is held by the distinctive, consistent and very believable voice of Thomas McNulty, an Irish famine refugee who, after discovering his talent as a drag artist, volunteered to serve in the Union army and now, the best part of twenty years on, tells the tale of his part in the Indian Wars of the mid-West and in the bloody turmoil of the Civil War. At every stage, closest in his heart is his friend and lover, the enigmatic, handsome John Cole, and then he is joined there by their adopted daughter, the Indian girl Winona, the sole surviving member of her tribe, victims of a needless massacre,.
The sentences are beautifully crafted, the rhythms of the story rumble unstoppably underneath the incidents and events on each of the pages. Following Thomas McNulty’s journey, we are given the bottom-up view of an eye-witness participant with the sensibilities and insight of a twenty-first century commentator. My concern at the anachronisms in his sympathetic insights into the people he encounters, expressed in resonant philosophical musings about the nature of humanity which flow naturally through the autobiographical narrative, felt out of place: this is a work of fiction and a work of poetry. It is enough that Thomas McNulty could have existed, and perhaps should have existed. His story speaks of his times, with the insights of our times.
At random, this paragraph, from his description of their troops’ nightmare journey, during the Indian wars, back from the west towards the Missouri, stalked by a band of Oglala Sioux Indians:
‘ … Imagine our horror and distress then when we saw those Oglala boys sitting on their horses on the horizon. Two hundred, three, just sitting there. Our own horses were skeletons. They were getting water but little else. Horses need regular fodder, grass and such. My poor horse was showing his bones like they was metal levers sticking out. Watchorn had been a small plumpish man but he weren’t no more. You coulda used John Cole for a pencil if you coulda threaded some lead through him. We were a day out on the prairie and the horses only had the first bright green slivers of grass to graze on. Half an inch. It was too early in the year. We were yearning to see wagons, our crazy wish was to see a herd of them buffalo, we started to dream of buffalo, thousands upon thousands, stampeding through our dreams, and then we’d wake in the moonlight and see only that, piss yellow and thin in the chill darkness. Temperature dropping down the glass till it was hard to breathe it was so cold. The little streams smelling of iron. At night the troopers slept close together in their blankets, we looked like a mess of prairie dogs, sleeping close for life. Snoring through frosty nostrils. The horses stamping, stamping and steaming out frosted tendrils and flowers of breath in the darkness. Now in these different districts, the sun came up that bit earlier, more eagerly, more like the baker putting fire into his bread-oven, in the small hours, so the women in the town would have bread bright early. Lord, that sun rose regular and sere, he didn’t care who saw him, naked and round and white. Then the rains came walking over dry land, exciting the new grasses, thundering down, hammering like fearsome little bullets, making the shards and dusts of the earth dance a violent jig. Making the grass seeds drunk with ambition. Then the sun pouring in after the rain, and the wide endless prairie steaming, a vast and endless vista of white steam rising, and the flocks of birds wheeling and turning. A million birds to one cloud, we’d a needed a blunderbuss to harvest them, small black fleet wondrous birds. We were riding on and all the while, ten, fifteen miles, the Oglala moving with us, watching. Might have been wondering why we didn’t stop for eats. Didn’t have no eats to eat…. .’
Or another, at random, from his description of his post-war journey, with John and Winona, from Grand Rapids, through Indiana, to a farm near Paris, Tennessee, worked by an old comrade from the Indian wars, where they intend to settle as a family, growing tobacco.
‘ … Out between the towns among the December frosted woods and the cold farms Winona sometimes sings a song…. It’s a useful song because it’s as long as ten miles hoofing it. There ain’t a person alive could tell you what the song means. The song she sung was ‘The Famous Flower of Serving Men.’ But she sings it as good as a linnet… Such a sweet clear note she keeps in her breast. Pours out like something valuable and sparse into the old soul of the year. Makes you see the country with better eyes. The distant country melting into the sky and the crumbs of human farms scattered over the deserted commons. The road just a threadbare ravelled sleeve between these usual sights. Like three thundering buffalo ran through long ago and that was all the people of Indiana craved for a path. Famers just that bit easier with us than the town folk but still in this thrumming after-music of the war there’s caution and fear. Guess the human-looking bit is Winona but there again we find that Indians ain’t much favoured despite the name Indiana…. ‘
Any two paragraphs could have been chosen in a book that is one continuous stream of beautifully crafted prose, pulling the reader along Thomas McNulty’s journey, through Thomas McNulty’s eyes, into Thomas McNulty’s poetic world, into Sebastian Barry’s polished work of art.
Subsequent to my previous letters to you on the subject, I am writing to say I have been pleasantly surprised by how much things have moved on.
Although, as I thought might happen, we did not manage to win against one of the weakest and most inept Tory governments in recent years under Mrs May’s excruciating leadership, we had a strong manifesto and your passion and ideals undoubtedly played a role in increasing the vote, particularly among the young – Glastonbury has given an additional edge to that!! However for all the feelgood of increasing the vote beyond expectation, we did not win.
I still, therefore, retain my reservations about your capacity to lead the party to electoral success. You will have to do more to command the middle ground where UK elections are always won and that means finding space for some of the old ‘Blairite’ group within the party. It is also important that you command the support of all your MPs and to do that you need to reach out and listen to those in other parts of the party who can take the Labour message into constituencies and groups of voters who at present will not listen to you. You also need to give some of these voices more airtime to represent the variety of viewpoints across the party as a whole.
If you can bring yourself to lead a party of all the talents, and to bring out their different strengths, to see yourself as the conductor rather than the soloist, then I think there is a better prospect of electoral success, a success that is surely needed now more than ever.
Have you had a look at the detail of Labour’s manifesto (click here ) for the 2017 General Election. It’s extremely good. Who knew?
At 122 pages it’s a long read.. maybe that’s why there’s been less coverage of the overall manifesto than there should have been. Here’s my precis of some of the key points:
- A UK wide constitutional convention, to engage the UK in wide consultation about improving the way our democracy works.
- A progressive energy and environmental strategy, targetting 60% energy from renewables by 2030, investment in renewable infrastructure, no fracking, banning neonicotinoid insecticides which threaten the bee population, reductions in one-use plastic waste, clean air strategy … many other positive policies.
- Credible economic investment and taxation polices underpinned by a Fiscal Credibility Rule, policed by the independent scrutiny of the Office for Budget Responsibility
- A £20bn Scottish Investment Bank to invest in infrastructural improvements, part of a similar UK wide investment policy, linked to a restructuring of our financial services based around the Nordic model.
- Respect for socially responsible business and graduated taxation of business, reflecting the needs of small business to reinvest.
- Moderate tax increases for those able to pay to ensure books are balanced and in equality does not rise to levels which threaten social cohesion.
- Changed priorities within the Brexit negotiations to ensure that UK remains in the customs union, has access to the single market, maintains important EU employment and environmental protections and maintains international academic co-operation through University and HE collaborative research and teaching
- Investment in cultural capital (a major earner for the UK) in media, arts and creative industries.
- Commitment to working in partnership internationally, on issues of defence, security and positive international relationships – with a continuing commitment to investment in international development to improve the lives of the poorest and work towards achieving the UN’s ‘Sustainable Development Goals’.
- All of this alongside all the usual Labour commitments, as you would expect, to improved health care, educational investment, dignity in old age, equalities and so on …..
It’s a surprisingly good package, well presented within an overall umbrella of Labour values – to build a strong sustainable society, based on democratic values of equality (not absolute equality no person to fall below a threshold level), individual freedom and agency, and social and environmental sustainability. It is the most socially progressive of any of the parties (save the Greens) and contains significantly larger environmental commitments than previous Labour manifestos, reflecting a recognition that long-term economic and social justice demands a sustainable approach.
Have a read (here) ! Go on! It’s not what you might expect, given what the media have been saying so far. You might actually like it!
I am writing to you again response to your tweet ‘The real fight starts now’ to highlight again my concern at the failure of your leadership. The best thing you can do just now for the people of Britain is to resign as there is absolutely no chance of Labour doing anything under your leadership as you will never be able to command the support of the middle ground in the UK, necessary to win a UK election and gain power to do anything.
Please resign and allow someone to lead the party who has a realistic prospect of achieving at least some of our shared agenda rather than a leader (ie yourself) who has some fine ideas which are unattainable and none of which will never happen except in your imagined Britain, a place different to the one which exists now and with a different set of voters to those who exist now.
I really regret having to be so strong and direct, but your personal vanity should not be allowed to spell further ruin for a party that used to want power in order to do worthwhile things but which under your leadership looks more and more like a party which is happier not being in power so that it never has to take responsibility for making the hard decisions anyone in government has to make.
I am so sad for the mess you are making of the party.. even if your ideas were capable of commanding majority support (which they are not), your poor communication skills, lack of organisational management experience and political naivety in relation to everything except the internal manoeuvres of the party at Westminster and inside the London bubble would be enough to make you incompetent as a political leader. It is your job to bring the party together and to do so in a credible manner which attracts more people fro the centre ground to support it. You are dividing the party while attracting no-one from the centre.
Go now and go quickly before you destroy this great party which you and I both love and which has delivered so much for people across Britain over the past hundred years.
(member for more than 40 years)
My letter to Jeremy Corbyn today.
Date: Fri, 24 Jun 2016 16:33:46 +0000
Subject: Yesterday’s European referendum
On Wednesday evening, I went through to Glasgow to watch this film. It was so wonderful, in so many ways, I just have to blog about it.
It was beautiful – beautifully shot, beautiful children, beautiful colours, beautiful subject.
It was moving – about families, about growing up, about education, about how people learn who they are and what their lives are for.
It was funny – watching little children at play, at work, just being their wonderful selves.
It was thoughtful and thought provoking – there are messages, overt and covert, in the film – about language, about poverty, about ambition, about how different life is or could be without today’s technology, consumerism and media influences.
It was great entertainment – so much to enjoy and so much to think about.
Watch the trailer here:
It was also educational – what is, or should be, the proper relationship between ‘home language’ and the language of education and to what extent should all languages, however small, be protected/funded/written. What are the barriers to learning associated with language (took me back in my thoughts, as so often in my teaching career, to the work of Bernstein, Class Codes and Control ( see here ) and more recently Michael Young’s restatement of the importance of ‘powerful knowledge’ (see below) and the work of Elizabeth Rata http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01411926.2011.615388:
“Limiting the curriculum to experiential knowledge limits access to a powerful class resource; that of conceptual knowledge required for critical reasoning and political agency. Knowledge that comes from experience limits the knower to that experience. The shift to localised knowledge fixes groups in the working class to a never ending present as schools that use a social constructivist approach to knowledge in the curriculum fail to provide the intellectual tools of conceptual thinking and its medium in advanced literacy that lead to an imagined, yet unknown, future.”
In the concluding discussion (as it was a premiere, part of the Glasgow Film Festival ,the producer, director and Liz Lochhead were there for a chat and questions afterwords, to give us some insight into the production and its meanings), it turns out that the first draft of the film ran for three hours featuring six of the children – I can’t wait for that director’s cut when it comes out on DVD (producer, please take note!).
Michael Young on the importance of ‘knowledge’:
‘Carbon footprint’ – the legacy of carbon released into the atmosphere that we leave to our descendants, the people and the planet of future times – is a term we have become familiar with over the past three decades as the science of climate change has moved out of the labs and pressure group handouts into common civic understanding, if not yet common civic action. It perfectly captures the idea that long after we have passed by, the impact we made on the planet and its biochemical systems remains.
The haunting metaphor of the ‘footprint’ – which brings to mind those massive dinosaur prints preserved in stone as a record of their time, millions of years ago – has also been applied to the legacy of a variety of other aspects of human consumption and waste, not least our use of water. New Scientist recently covered current thinking on the ‘water footprint’ in a two page interview with Arjen Hoekstra, a Dutch professor of water management (click here ).
Of course, here in Scotland, we have no shortage of water, so it’s hard for us to imagine that however much we use we are going to have a negative impact on human life in the future, but our ‘water footprint’ is not just what we consume in our own homes, gardens and work. A large part of our ‘footprint’ is elsewhere, left by the production in other parts of the world of the goods we consume here. Three quarters of the water footprint of people who live in the UK is outside the UK, in the countries where the goods and food we consume originate. Whereas our water cycle as an island on the edge of the Atlantic ensures that whatever we put back into the rivers and water table from our use of water will eventually fall back down on us (in fact climate change projections suggest parts of the UK will be wetter longer term in the future), in many parts of the world, water reserves used in agriculture are not being replenished. Around 90% of humanity’s global water footprint comes from food production and around a third of that comes from animal feed production. So next time you’re checking those food miles, and the contribution they make to your carbon footprint, just add in your water footprint as well.
I’ve been working with colleagues on this series of Briefings to inform the forthcoming Scottish election debates. Check them out here:
… and here’s an example focusing on education 15-18, the ‘senior phase’ …
I am copying here a Facebook post from Donnachadh McCarthy to ensure gets maximum exposure.
In the week when the UK’s five extremist right-wing media billionaires won their battle to waste our time, money and political capital on a EU referendum, I thought it a good time to post the great letter by Simon Sweeney in the Guardian, which he kindly allowed me to reproduce in my book, “The Prostitute State – How Britain’s Democracy has Been Bought”:
“What did the EU ever do for us?
Not much, apart from: providing 57% of our trade;
structural funding to areas hit by industrial decline;
clean beaches and rivers;
lead free petrol;
restrictions on landfill dumping;
a recycling culture;
cheaper mobile charges;
cheaper air travel;
improved consumer protection and food labelling;
a ban on growth hormones and other harmful food additives;
better product safety;
single market competition bringing quality improvements and better industrial performance;
break up of monopolies;
Europe-wide patent and copyright protection;
no paperwork or customs for exports throughout the single market;
price transparency and removal of commission on currency exchanges across the eurozone;
freedom to travel, live and work across Europe;
funded opportunities for young people to undertake study or work placements abroad;
access to European health services;
labour protection and enhanced social welfare;
equal pay legislation;
the right not to work more than a 48-hour week without overtime;
strongest wildlife protection in the world;
improved animal welfare in food production;
EU-funded research and industrial collaboration;
EU representation in international forums;
bloc EEA negotiation at the WTO;
EU diplomatic efforts to uphold the nuclear non-proliferation treaty;
European arrest warrant;
cross border policing to combat human trafficking, arms and drug smuggling; counter terrorism intelligence;
European civil and military co-operation in post-conflict zones in Europe and Africa;
support for democracy and human rights across Europe and beyond;
investment across Europe contributing to better living standards and educational, social and cultural capital.
All of this is nothing compared with its greatest achievements: the EU has for 60 years been the foundation of peace between European neighbours after centuries of bloodshed.
It furthermore assisted the extraordinary political, social and economic transformation of 13 former dictatorships, now EU members, since 1980.
Now the union faces major challenges brought on by neoliberal economic globalisation, and worsened by its own systemic weaknesses. It is taking measures to overcome these. We in the UK should reflect on whether our net contribution of £7bn out of total government expenditure of £695bn is good value. We must play a full part in enabling the union to be a force for good in a multi-polar global future.
Lecturer in international political economy, University of York”
Please share – the anti-EU campaign will have the full force of Murdoch’s and the other 4 extremist right-wing media billionaires papers whose agenda is to destroy all our human rights.
As I wrote in The Prostitute State, over 80% of UK papers are owned by five extremist right wing media billionaires: Rupert Murdoch, (Sun/Times), Barclay Brothers (Telegraph), Richard Desmond (Express) and Lord Rothermere (Daily Mail).
Murdoch is Australian living in New York, Rothermere lives in France, the Barclay Brothers in the tax havens of Monaco and Guernsey. All of them use tax haven entities to avoid UK taxes.
So key question is in light of the above list, why have these billionaires for decades tried to destroy the EU’s democratic institutions?
Together we can take him/them on and beat him/them.
peace love respect
What a fabulous surprise.. not only shortlisted but this year’s winner. You can watch a short video of the presentation event here:
and read or listen to the winning story – ‘Rogey’ – here
Now I have to ease myself out of education and start taking my creative writing seriously!
Watch this space!!